The Bush versus Kerry Air War
By Darrell M. West
On March 4th, President George W. Bush opened his
general election campaign with a television advertising barrage against
Democrat John Kerry. In an unprecedented early ad expenditure, Bush attacked Kerry’s
record on defense spending, terrorism, and taxes.
In return,
Kerry has criticized Bush for the millions of jobs lost over the last three
years and poor leadership on the
In this report,
I discuss the ad battle between the two presidential candidates. What are their respective strategies? How is their advertising affecting voters? What role will independent candidate Ralph Nader play in the election?
The Bush Ad
Strategy
In March and
April, Bush spent around $40 million on ads.
By the time of the GOP convention in
The amount of
ad money spent early in the general election is unprecedented. The conventional wisdom is that candidates
should save their money for late in the campaign when undecided voters are
tuning into the election. According to
this theory, early advertising money is wasted because the swing voters are not
paying attention and the people who decide early tend to be strong partisans
who are not influenced by advertisements.
However, in
1996, President Bill Clinton surprised the experts by running ads more than a
year before the general election in which he portrayed the
Republican-controlled Congress and Speaker Newt Gingrich as extremists. Top Republican contender Robert Dole was
shown so often with Gingrich that the two came to be seen in the eyes of some
voters as virtual Siamese twins.
In spending
such a large amount of money on advertising early in the campaign, Bush is
attempting to replicate the
Republicans view
Kerry as vulnerable in three areas: soft
on defense and terrorism, a big spending and tax supporting liberal, and
wishy-washy on the issues. Of course,
there is tension between points two and three.
Kerry cannot be both dogmatically liberal, yet wishy-washy on the
issues. Eventually, the Bush team will
have to decide whether Kerry is more vulnerable on liberalism or being
wishy-washy. It will not be able to
maintain both lines of attack indefinitely.
The Bush team
already has attacked Kerry in each of these areas. It has run ads claiming Kerry voted against
needed funding for American troops, that he has voted to raise taxes dozens of
times, and that he has changed his mind on several different subjects.
The last time a
presidential candidate set off such a barrage of negative ads against an
opponent was in 1988 when Republican George Herbert Walker Bush attacked
Michael Dukakis and 1964 when Democratic Lyndon Johnson did the same thing to
Barry Goldwater. In both of these
cases, the aggressive advertising campaign paid off in electoral victories for
the particular candidate.
The Kerry Ad
Strategy
Early
advertising was a luxury Kerry did not have.
Unlike Bush, who faced no nomination challenger, Kerry had many rivals
including Howard Dean, John Edwards, and Richard Gephardt. The long and volatile Democratic con
Kerry did not
seal his nomination until early March.
This prevented him from undertaking the research and raising the
additional money required to run ads promoting himself
and criticizing President Bush. It was
nearly a month before Kerry’s campaign responded with their own ads (although
some Democratic groups were advertising against Bush) and the size of their ad
buy (around $10 million) paled in comparison to that of the president.
Kerry’s
strategic situation was very different from Bush’s. The Democrat is not well known nationally and
he has to raise his name recognition at the same time he criticizes Bush’s
record. And he has a lot less money to
support his candidacy than does Bush.
The Kerry
campaign sees several points of vulnerability in Bush’s record: several million jobs lost over the past three
years, massive budget deficits, tax cuts that have disproportionately benefited
the wealthy, an
The Democrat’s
opening ads attacked Bush’s economic stewardship and argued that the big
deficits and the massive job losses were due to poor policies, not the
Historically,
American elections are more likely to be decided on domestic, economic issues
than foreign policy. This year’s race
has been unusual in its heavy emphasis on the
Ad Effects
on Voters
The most
unusual feature of this race is the length of the general election
campaign. Unlike most years, when the
battle lasts a few months, this time the general campaign will be eight months
long. It will be the longest general
election campaign in American history.
In assessing
the first two months of this race, Bush garnered a slight edge in terms of
voter support. Bush started his
advertising attack down by 4-5 percentage points against Kerry, but ended the
two-month period ahead of Kerry by 4-5 points.
This suggests the Bush ads and the rebounding economy produced an 8-10
point turnaround in public support.
Bush’s rebound
over the last two months is noteworthy because it occurred during a time when
the
Yet even with
dismal war news, the rebounding domestic economy appears to be pushing Bush’s
numbers up above Kerry. More voters say
they trust the future economy to Bush than to Kerry. Even with the substantial job losses and the
massive budget deficits, Americans see Bush as a strong leader.
An analysis of
national polls before and after the Bush ad expenditures in March and April
demonstrates how Republicans made progress in defining Kerry. Several surveys have shown that impressions
of how principled Kerry is and whether he tells voters what they want to hear
have moved in a negative direction. By a
sizeable margin, voters believe Kerry is not very principled and that Bush is a
strong leader who says what he thinks regardless of the political consequences.
Even more telling, on the crucial dimension of feeling the
candidate is caring and compassionate, long a Democratic advantage over
Republican presidential candidates, Bush runs pretty close to Kerry in voter
perceptions. Not only has Bush defined Kerry in some
negative ways, he has inoculated himself at least so far in having voters think
he is unprincipled, opportunistic, and uncaring as a leader. Unless Kerry turns around those voter views
of the president, it will be a tough race for him to win.
Bush’s support
is surprising because in various national surveys, anywhere from 55 to 60
percent of voters state they think the country is
headed in the wrong direction.
Typically, when a majority feels that way, it signals deep trouble for
an incumbent president.
So far, though,
Kerry has not managed to take advantage of those negative feelings and get
voters to blame Bush for their view that the country is headed in the wrong
direction. For Kerry to win, it is vital
he link negative perceptions of national performance to the Bush
Administration.
The Nader Wild-Card
Third-party or
independent candidates who run a second time generally receive about half the
vote they did the first time around.
Since Ralph Nader got 3.8 percent of the 2000
popular vote, he is likely to earn about two percent of the vote in 2004. If history is any indication, he may simply
drift into oblivion and be a non-factor in the campaign.
However, there
is one scenario under which Nader could become more
important. Sometimes, when a campaign
between two major candidates turns very negative, voters get disenchanted and
turn to the third candidate, who has not run negative commercials, and support
that person. A vitriolic campaign
between Bush and Kerry could redound to Nader’s
benefit and boost his numbers above the usual expectation.
The problem in
this situation, from Kerry’s standpoint, is that more of the Nader vote is likely to come from Kerry than Bush
supporters. This is the reason Bush
feels no incentive to rein in its negative attacks on Kerry. If Kerry does not respond to the attacks, he
risks being defined by the Bush apparatus and losing the campaign. However, if he is drawn into a negative campaign,
he may lose votes to Nader from people turned off by
both Kerry and Bush. It is a scenario
Kerry has to be very careful to avoid if he is going to beat the incumbent
president.
Eighteen
States
Right now,
there are 18 states in play for the general election. Most of the other states are either “blue” or
“red” states whose votes are completely predictable. Both candidates’ advertising efforts are
focusing on these swing states in the
The rest of the
country will not experience the presidential campaign. The other 32 states will not be the object of
political advertising, direct mail, or candidate visits. It will be an election in which one-third of
the country has a frenzied campaign, while two-thirds does not.